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275 Words


These crimes have one thing in common: violence.

The number of years purchase, though the ground taken by one class of reformers of the income tax is not, in my opinion, a tenable ground, I should consider only the necessity under which the holder might be of saving, and the means which his income afforded him of doing so: and certainly if the income were nearly expired, it would not afford him much means, but also those means would not be much crippled by the tax, as it would be for a short time only.

Some research shows that violence in the media can be linked to aggressive behavior in children.

I have said that in assessing an income tax it would be just to exempt savings altogether. But a graduated property tax, in so far as it bears on property acquired by a man’s own exertions, does the extreme contrary; it imposes an extra tax on savings. If a person is taxed a fifth of his income because he has increased that income by saving, while he would have been taxed only a tenth if he had not saved, it seems to me that the extra tenth so imposed upon him is a penalty on saving.

Each year 1.6 million people world wide lose their lives to violence.

Violent television shows lead to violence in children between the ages of two and five....

none are more unsuited than the Land Laws to the state of society of which the Reform Act of 1867 is the harbinger. Originating in an age when the landholders were masters of the country, it is no wonder that they should require alteration now, when the country belongs, at least in principle, to the whole of its inhabitants. Our laws relating to land are the remains of a system which, as history tells us, was designed to prop up a ruling class. They were made for the purpose of keeping together the largest possible possessions in the families which owned the land, and by means of it governed the country. So long as those families were not obliged to share power with any other class, or with the people, the Land Laws were in many respects considerably worse than they are now; but what is left of them has still the same object: to contrive that the land of the family shall descend unbroken to the eldest son, and that the owner for the time being shall not be at liberty to defeat this purpose by selling the land. By these means the land has been prevented, to a large extent, from passing out of the hands of the idle into those of the industrious, and its ownership has been retained the privilege of a small and decreasing number of families.

During the preliminary organization of the Association, in autumn, 1869, JSM served as Chairman of the Provisional Committee but, as he informed Andrew Reid (eventually Secretary of the Association), he would not take on the leadership of the Association once it was established. He was, however, actively involved in drawing up the Programme (completed during April, 1870), and became Chairman. On 15 March, 1871, he wrote to Longmans asking them to publish the pamphlet containing the Programme and his Explanatory Statement; Longmans agreed, and the pamphlet, to cost sixpence, was ready for the press on 27 March. Within the next year the Association had taken 2100 copies, largely for distribution to the working classes, and 331 had been bought by the public. For a document issued by the Association, under JSM’s name as Chairman, see Appendix D, 766-7 below.

And true that violence is on the rise.

Violence and the lack of it, nonviolence plays a major role in the play of this chapter.

I should consider it, so far as it constitutes their means of paying the taxes, and the payments ought to be adjusted equitably to those means; but I should not think that anything depends on whether one form of property is more easily accessible than the others, or whether you are more certain of its amount in the case of one person than in the case of another. I should say, in each case ascertain that as you best can, and then tax it with reference to the circumstances of the person, and not with reference to any supposed peculiarity in the thing. I only recognize things as influencing the question of justice in so far as they operate upon the situation and feelings of persons.

If such a rare case should happen as that of a person who, during his life time, legally appropriates the half of his income to another person, it is then no longer his, and the Exchequer has no longer any business to come upon him for it. With regard to those who now have it, it seems to me that they are to be considered each of them as to his own position or his own circumstances. If a parent is in such a position that he ought to save for his younger children, or to give them the means of saving for themselves, it is a thing rather to be rejoiced in than not; that by these family arrangements he is enabled to obtain an allowance from the Exchequer for what is thus saved.

We provided statistics showing the amounts of violence facts about adolescent exposure.
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Along with that crime rate is also the very high violence rate.

The cases to which the water-supply of towns bears most analogy, are such as the making of roads and bridges, the paving, lighting, and cleansing of streets. The nearest analogy of all is the drainage of towns, with which the supply of water has a natural connexion. Of all these operations it may reasonably be affirmed to be the duty of Government, not necessarily to perform them itself, but to ensure their being adequately performed. I do not say that it ought not to be lawful to build a house without proper drainage and a proper water-supply; but assuredly every one who owns or builds houses in a town should have the means of effectual drainage and water-supply put in his power, at the smallest practicable expense.

Exactly how much violence is there on television though.

Instead, when a teenager or a child commits a crime, the first thing that the prosecutors or the media wants to place the blame on is video games, the television program that the child had been watching, or the blame is placed on the type of music that the child or teen had been previously listening to.

Structural violence impacts people on the bottom rung of society.

Since the manufacture of violent video games, there has been a constant quarrel whether or not violent video games increase fierceness in the player....

Violence constitute as amusing and trivialized.

It is quite possible, especially when private companies have long since established themselves, and have taken possession of the supply, that the most eligible mode of proceeding might be to leave the operations in the hands of the companies; prescribing such conditions as to quantity and quality of water, convenience of supply, and rate of charge, as to ensure the best provision at the cheapest rate which local facilities and the state of science and engineering may admit of.

Violence is all over our media but mostly on the TV.

To establish the alleged parity between the supply of water and that of food, it would be necessary to suppose, that food could only be brought to London at so great an expense, and by arrangements on so large a scale, as to limit the supply to seven or eight associations. Were these the necessary conditions of the supply of food, the public would certainly require that either the article should be supplied, or the terms of its supply fixed and controlled, by a public authority. The question is not between free trade and a Government monopoly. The case is one of those in which a practical monopoly is unavoidable; and the possession of the monopoly by individuals constitutes not freedom but slavery; it delivers over the public to the mercy of those individuals.

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